THE NARRATIVE OF AWAKENING

• IMAM KHOMEINI (S) IN THE STRONGHOLD OF UPRISING AND CHALLENGE:
The spirit of challenge and Jihad (crusade) in the path of God, had its roots in Imam Khomeini's religious background, in his family environment and in the sociopolitical conditions of his entire life. His challenges began when he was a youngster and gradually evolved and reached perfection alongside of his spiritual and scientific maturity on the one side, and along with the evolution of sicio-political conditions of Iran and of the Islamic society, on the other. During the years 1340-41, a.h.sh. (l961-62) the disputes over town and city council (9) presented an opportunity for Imam Khomeini to act as the leader of the clergy. Thus, the all-inc1usive uprising of the clergy and Iranian nation on June 5, 1963 (= 15th of Khordad, 1342 a.h.s.) was characterized by two outstanding features, that is, leadership of Imam Khomeini and the all-Islamic slogans, mothos and objectives of the movement, and it marked a new chapter in the struggles of the Iranian nation which later came to be known, in the world, as Islamic Revo1ution.
Imam Khomeini (s) was born at a time when Iran was going through one of the hardest periods of its history. The so called Constitution Movement (10) came to naught, by the tricks and opposition of British agents in the court of Qajar and, also, because of internal frictions, and the treachery of a number of westernized intellectuals. The clergy, inspite of its leading role in this movement, was put aside by ruses and deceits, and once more, a dictatorial government was established. The clannish nature of the Qajar monarchy, and the weakness and impotence of its rulers, had germinated the socio-economic chaos of the country. The Khans and rebels were afforded free hand to destroy the security of the people. in conditions such as these, in towns and cities and other areas, the clergy were the only refuge the people had, and, as we said earlier, Imam Khomeini had, as a child, personally witnessed the murder of his noble father while defending the genuine rights of himself and the people of his country against the Khans and agents of the government of the time. The family of Imam Khomeini had been used to migration, for a long time.
Imam Khomeini (s) has described his memories of war I when he was 12 years old, in the following words: "I recall both world wars. I was attending elementary school. I used to see Soviet troops in the center we had in Khomain in the first world war we were often subject to raids." Somewhere else the Imam (s) relating the names of the Khans and the rebels who, under government protection, were pilfering the people and tresspassing on the chastity of the women says: "I have been warring since childhood..., we were invaded by the Zulqis, (11) and the Rajabalis and we had guns ourselves. When I was in the early years of my adolescence, we used to visit the bunkers to help. The ruffians meant to raid and rob us... "The Imam (s) again says: "We used to build bunkers wherever we were in Khomain. I, too, had a rifle but I was a child. By the age of 16 or 17, we were given rifles and we learned and taught how to use them. From the bunkers we could fight off the attackers. Chaos had overtaken everything and place. The central government was powerless. They once took a borough of Khomain but the people fought them off. People took up guns and we were with them."
The coup d'etat on the 3rd of Esfand, 1299 (1920) by Reza Khan (12) Mir-Panj, was, according to reliable historic accounts, arranged and supported by the British. Although it ended the Qajar rule and somewhat limited the medieval system of the scattered Khans and rebels but it generated such a dictatorial system in which 1000-families ruled over the oppressed nation's destiny and the Pahlavi family replaced the former Khans and insurgents.
During his 20-year rule, Reza Khan, got hold of about one half of all fertile lands of Iran and officially prepared the ownership deeds and documents in his own name. He set up an organization much larger than the regular large ministries, destined for preservation and protection of the Special Royal Estates. He went so far as to have scores of legislative bills passed by the puppet Majlis (parliament) legalizing the transfer to himself, of lands, even of the religiously endowed lands. The accounts concerning royal estates and jewels, usurpation of commercial firms and industries by Reza Khan, forms a major part of his biography written by his friends and foes. The domestic policies of Reza Khan centered around three points: "Rough and tough police and military rule," "all-inclusive fight against religion and the clergy," and "westernization These policies lasted and were enforced throughout his entire period of monarchy.
In conditions mentioned above the Iranian Clergy, who, after the events of the Constitution Movement, were constantly plagued with assaults by governments of the time and British agents, on the one hand, and by animosities of hired intellectuals, on the other, took actions to preserve Islam and itself. On invitation from the Ulema of Qum, grand Ayatullah haj Sheikh Abdulkarim Haeri migrated from Arak to Qum, and, a short time after, Imam Khomeini who, by the grace of his extraordinary talent had completed the preliminary studies at various levels in the Arak and Khomein theologic Assemblies, migrated to Qum and became active in strengthening the newly-founded theologic Assembly of Qum. Erelong he came to be regarded as an outstanding scholar of mysticism, jurisprudence and philosophy.
As pointed out, at such times, the preservation of the clergy and "Marjaiyyat" or Reference Authority was an imperative necessity to challenge and curb the anti-clergy policies and objectives of Reza Khan and his son. Therefore, Hazrat Imam Khomeini, inspite of differences of his views with those of Ayatullahs Haeri and Borujerdi re the mode of opposition and approach by the clergy and reference authorities to the new conditions and the role of the clergy in connection therewith, consistently remained a staunch defender of the power of the Reference Authorization during the active period of both the above-mentioned Reference Authorities and was at their service.
Imam Khomeini was very much interested in following up the social and political issues. After securing his monarchial rule, Reza Khan, in early years of his reign devised and began to carry out an ambitious program for eradication of the effects of Islamic culture in the Iranian society. In addition to imposing censors on the clergy, by issuing official circulars, he instructed all lamentations (Rozeh Khani) and mournings for the martyred Imams, to be stopped. Religious sermons were also banned. The teaching of religion and Quran in schools and performing (Nemaz) prayers was banned. He (Reza Khan) began preliminary talks re unveiling of Iranian Muslim women. Before Reza Khan had revealed his aims and objectives, to the public, the dedicated clergy was the first layer (of the Population) who, with awareness of the behind-the-curtain policies and plans of Reza Khan, rose to show their protest. In 1306 (1927) the dedicated clergy of Isfahan led by Ayatullah Haj Agha Nurullah Isfaliani, staged a protest migration to Qum and took asylum there. This move was seconded by the Ulema of other cities. The 105-day migration of the clergy to Qum (21 Shahrivar to 4 Dey, 1306) and their search for sanctuary there resulted in a feigned retreat by Reza Khan and Mukhbirusaltana, prime minister at the time, was committed to accept and carry out the terms proposed by the refugee-ulema In Dey, 1306 (Dec 1927) with the martyrdom of the leader of the uprising by the agents of Reza Khan, the asylum came to an end.
The above adventure presented an opportunity to a young, talented and challenging student-clergy named Ruhullah Khomeini, to become better acquainted with the issues and the modes of crusade and know the fighting chances of the clergy against Reza Khan. In Nowruz, 1306 (1927) a face-to-face encounter between Reza Khan and Ayatullah Bafqi in Qum led to the seige of this city by military forces and the beating of this great crusader Ayatullah by Reza Khan, and his deportation to Rey. This event and similar happenings as well as the Majlis proceedings of those days especially the challenges of the famous clergy, Majlis Deputy, Ayatullah Seyyed Hassan Mudarres (13) left their indelible impression on the sensitive and inflamed soul of the Imam.
When Reza Khan, in order to destroy the Qum theologic Assembly issued a word of command that all clergymen should take a state administered examination, Imam Khomeini began to reveal the behind-the-curtain aims and to oppose them. He gave warning to those simple-minded Ulema who had considered the command as a reformative step. Unfortunately in these days, the Iranian clergy, in the wake of massive propaganda by the government, the new conditions and the post-constitution movement frictions and disputes, were led into isolation. Even the learning and teaching of mysticism (Erfan) and philosophy that ultimately enlighten and awaken the minds and consciences, and end in discussing daily problems and sufferings was banned by the crooked-minded and pseudo-clergy lazy individuals. The conditions were such that Imam Khomeini was placed under pressure to close down his courses on philosophy, Mysticism (Erfan) and ethics. He was impelled to teach in varying places in secrecy. The outcome of such effort, was the training of personalities such as Allama Shahid Ayatullah Mutahhari.
As a result of resistance by the Ulema and the people, Reza Khan, inspite of all his efforts to destroy Islam, to unveil the women and to ban performance of religious rites and ceremonies faced defeat and he was, in many instances, forced to retreat.
After the death of the grand Ayatullah Haeri (10th of Bahman, 1315 a.h.s.) (= Jan 10, 1937), the Qum theologic Assembly was in danger of collapse. Dedicated Ulema tried to think of a remedy to prevent it. For a period of 8 years this theologic Assembly was supervised by grand Ayatullahs, seyyed Muhammad Hojjat, Seyyed Sadraddin Sadr, and Seyyed Muhammad-Taqi Khonsari. In this interim, especially after the fall of Reza Khan, conditions bacame favorable for realization of the High Reference Authoritativeness. Grand Ayatullah Borujerdi was the outstanding religious-scientist personality who was fit to succeed Ayatullah Haeri and save the magnificence of the Assembly. This proposal was expeditiously followed up by students of Ayatullah Haeri including Imam Khomeini. The Imam made personal efforts for inviting Ayatullah Borujerdi to migrate to Qum and accept the responsibility of directorship of the Assembly. Imam Khomeini, who had carefully surveyed the political conditions of the society, and the conditions of the theologic Assemblies, possessed up-to date information and was fully aware through studying current books, magazines and newspapers and by commuting to Tehran and paying regular visits to grandees such as Ayatullah Mudarris, had realized that, the only way to overcome the abject conditions that were imposed after the defeat of the constitution movement especially after Reza Khan came to powers was the alertness of the theologiC Assemblies and their security as well as spiritual links between the people and the clergy. During the migration of Ayatullah Borujerdi to Qum, Imam Khomeini, who was himself a well known religious jurist and lecturer (Mujtahid and Mudarres) of Qum Assembly worked hard to strengthen Ayatullah Borujerdi's station as Reference Authority, and, in the words of his students, the Imam attended the lectures of Ayatullah Borujerdi in jurisprudence and principles for this purpose.
Pursuing his own valuable objectives, in 1328 (1949), Imam Khomeini, in cooperation with Ayatullah Murtiza Haeri, prepared a plan for essential reform of the structure of the theologic Assembly and presented it to Ayatullah Borujerdi (s). The plan received emphasis and support by the students of the Imam and the enlightened student-clergies of the Assembly.
As the proposal was about to be accepted and the theologic Assembly was going to perform its role as an academic orgaflization, the same pseudo-clergy individuals who realized that the implementation of the plan would jeopardize their quiet, isolated daily lives, began to oppose if Opposition reached a point at which Ayatullah Borujerdi, contrary to his initial views and personal inclination, declined its performance. Ayatullahzadeh Haeri was peeved by this decision and for some time migrated to Mashhad. However, Imam Khomeini, despite the dire conditions and his displeasure at the decision and similar incidents, went on expecting future awakening and movements by the theologic Assembly.
Eight years before this event (Shahrivar, 1320), during the second world war, Iran was occupied by the aggressive troops of the Allies. The dictator who, by expending huge sums for 20 years, had equiped the army to help smother his people, raised hands in submission to the occupationists' skirmishes and, as confessed by his son Muhammad-Reza, his soldiers, after living some training shots fled from the scenes before encountering the aggressors. Inspite of all his bragging, Reza shah was meanly dethroned and sent to exile. The paradoxical story of deep national chagrin about the country's occupation and the immense public pleasure for the fall of a dictator whose moveable assets, amassed at the expense of general poverty of the people, and years of robbing national resources, amounted, at that time, to 680 million Rials, has many lessons to be leaned.
The British embassy, with a green light from another ally, the Russians, issued an order in the name of Muhammad-Reza to replace his father. A new chapter replete with toil and ennui began, marking 37 years of sold independence and forfeited honor for the nation. In the first two years of the Shah's shaky reign there was opportunity to breathe. Individuals and parties began to declare their objectives and mottoes. Some claimed nationalism which, by chance, was in agreement with the young monarch's views. Others settled with infilteration in government agencies and par1iamentary elections. Struggling scholars (Ulema) such as Mudarris who, under these circumstances could be a pillar of uprising, had been previously martyred by Reza Khan'S agents. The communists and dependent political parties adjusted their stands per instruction from Moscow and the like.
The theologic Assemblies, as already mentioned had crept into isolation by attacks from Reza khan and were unable to make a serious entry into the area of social responsibilities. To be sure, even in these conditions, there were staunch challengers, like Navvab Safavi (14) and his friends who studied to find the future path for armed challenge and for the institution of an Islamic government.
In describing the loneliness of the challengers during the strangulation years imposed by Reza Khan's rule, Imam Khomeini has penned the following verse:
"Where can one seek recourse from Reza Shah's tyranny; Where to cry, whom to cry to, from Devil's doings. When still breathing voices were cut and now, No breath by which to cry."
Now, Imam Khomeini took advantage of the opportunity, compiled and published the book "Kashful-asrar" (lit., Revelation of secrets) in a.h.s., 1322 and revealed the atrocities of the twenty years of the Pahlavi rule. Defending Islam and the clergy, Imam Khomeini answered the doubts and skepticism of those gone astray and, in this book, he elaborated the idea of the Islamic government and the need for its establishment. The next year (1323, ahs) in the month of Ordibehesht, Imam Khomeini's first political declaration was issued. In it, the Imam called on the Islamic scholars and the Muslim society for a general uprising. The content and the tone of the composition of this declaration and its addressees clearly show that, in those sorrowful days and conditions of the theologic Assemblies, the Imam had not contemplated a speedy uprising, rather, it was published as warning to awaken the young student-clergies. As was expected, the Imam did not receive a suitable answer to his call but he diffused some rays of hope to the hearts of student-clergies who had gathered around him and had found his classes as a warm meeting-place for the intimate minds and hearts. After these last efforts the personality and political position

of Imam Khomeini came to be known better. Thus, gradually, a ring of like-minded friends began to take shape among his students, most of whom were those who later sacrificed themselves in the 15th of Khordad uprising and did not relent their efforts during the strangulation period. And those who survived imprisonment and torture played their parts after the triumph of the Revolution in key positions but under hard Conditions The idea of reforming the theologic Assembly was supported by said ring but, for reasons already mentioned, could not be realized in the prevailing Conditions of that time. According to availble documents and memories, during the entire period of Ayatullah Borujerdi's leadership, Imam Khomeini, apart from his research work, his classes and lectures in various fields, devoted his efforts to abet the power of the Reference Authoritativeness (=Marjaiyyat) and the theologic Assemblies and to relay the socio-political information, and his own evaluations of the daily problems, serving timely warning re the aims of the Shah's regime and to prevent the infilteration of crooked and lazy elements. At the same time, he maintained his contact with "reputable" political elements in Tehran and with unequalled personalities such as Ayatullah Kashani. He further kept an eye on the process of the current affairs by constant perusal through the proceedings of the National Consultative Assembly or the parliament (Majlis) and reliable press and newspaper accounts.
When rumors spread re the holding of a constituent Assembly meeting to amend the constitutional law in 1328 (1949) and give carte blanche to the Shah, it was rumoured that grand Ayatullah Borujerdi was supporting the changes and had had meetings with government authorities about the amendment. Imam Khomeini was angered by this rumor and warned others through personal meetings and by writing an open letter signed by himself together with some of the Ulema and Reference Authorities, addressed to Ayatullah Borujerdi and requested him to reveal the truth. Ayatullah Borujerdi denied his consent on this case, in a statement. At the same time, Ayatullah Kashani, issued a statement from his exile in Lebanon, emphasizing the necessity to resist the Shah's new decision.
During the 16th parliamentary elections, Ayatullah Khashani was elected as delegate from Tehran. Cooperation and alliance between the challenging spiritual (clergy) wing of Ayatullah Kashani with the "National Front", imparted greater weight to the supporters of the oil nationalization movement, to the detriment of Shah. The Fadaiyan Islam (sacrificers to Islam) who enjoyed the support of Ayatullah Kashani, meted out severe blows, in the course of several unprecedented operations, to the puppet governments. Dr. Mosaddiq, National Front (Jebha Melli) Leader, utilized these supports and became prime minister. The uprising of 30th Tir, 1331 (15) (Aug. 21, 1952) was arranged in Tehran. Iran was jubilant over the victory of nationalization of oil industry which had been longed for. However, before long, disharmony appeared in the alliance. The disputes among the (Fadaiyan Islam), Ayatullah Kashani and leaders of Jebha Melli (National Front) reached the point of face-to-face confrontation and encounter. Ayatullah Kashani insisted on his opposition to paying compensation to Britain for the nationalizad oil industry. He maintained that Britain must compensate Iran for the oil pilfered by them during 50 years. He had forewarned Dr. Musaddiq and even threatened him in respect to related negotiations and compromise.
Ayatullah Kashani was also opposed to the replacment of the British by America and American firms in the oil industry and other areas of economy whereas, many of those who made up Musaddiq's government were openly in favor of such an idea.
Dangers inherent in participation of non-religious elements in the movement and trusting the Tudeh Party were other points of disagreement. As the prime minister's authority and the influence of elements mentioned above, increased in the "national" government, calculated anti-religious propaganda, too, increased. The treachery of the Tudeh Party climaxed and the religious wing of the movement was isolated. America made best use of this opportunity and by the coup d'etat of 28 Murdad, 1332 (Aug. 19, 1953), suppressed the opposition and secured the unchallenged rule of the Shah.
All that can be concluded from imam Khomeini's subsequent messages and speeches in relation to the National Movement is that, from the beginning, he was aware that it wont last long. The National Movement had gained remarkable victories in its anti-colonialism objectives. However, the nationalization of oil industry had some inherent seasonal and time limitations, and could not guarantee the continuity of the Movement in the long run.
The nationalistic wing of the Movement did not count much upon the mottoes and objectives of the religious wing, which, were backed by the people. Lack of united, or single leadership, influence and infilteration by dishonest elements, and lack of common political and cultural objectives to guarantee, in the long run, the general support of the Muslim Iranians, were other obstacles that, in addition to American intrigues and other foreign pressures, made it impossible to continue the Movement. The National Oil Movement was, on much smaller scale, a replica of the socio-political conditions of the Constitution Movement, and of its weak and strong points, and met the same fate. Even the religious wing lacked unity and general support. The activities of the Fadaian Islam and the efforts of Ayatullah Kashani were not, for some reasons, confirmed by Ayatuhlah Borujerdi, the Grand Refernce Authority of the time. Moreover, wide differences of views, also existed.
Under such conditions open support by personalities like grand Ayatullah Khonsari in Qum, and tacit support of persons like Imam Khomeini, could not effect any change in the process of affairs.
Anyway, before the sweetness of the National Oil Movement could be registered in the palate of the Iranian people, the bitterness of the effects of disputes and subsequent sad events, and finally that of the coup d'etat of Murdad 28 was duly poured in the palates. Fadaiyan Islam did not let up on their challenge. But, two years later, (8/25/1334=Nov. 16, 1955), in the unsuccessful attempt to terrorize Hosein Ala, the prime minister of the time, who was about to proceed to sign the Baghdad (CENTO) pact, they were arrested and the leaders, after trial in secret military courts, were sent to the firing squad (Dey, 1334 = Dec. 1955)
Imam Khomeini's efforts and attempts of other Ulema failed to prevent their execution.
These unfortunate and sad events affected the sensitive spirit of Imam Khomeini but they were valuble experiences to be used in the next stages of challenge.
The Shah and his court were now, at the complete disposal of America after the coup d'etat, but under different conditions from before. The British government ceded its position to America. The formation of Savak (16) in 1336 (= 1958), suppression of opponents, and increased strangulation were speedily pursued, to provide favourable social conditions for American reform. During the decades of 1330-1340, Americans poured down upon the Persian Gulf area in order to take over the former position of the British. The cold war and the bitter rivalry between America and the USSR had enhanced the sensitivity of the strategic Persian Gulf area. The White House had glued its eyes on the oil resources of Iran and the region, and gave preference to Iran over others to be the gendarmery in the Persian Gulf area and protect the interests of the west. America had another purpose in establishing links with the Shah and supporting his regime. Confrontation of Islamic states with usurper Israel seemed unavoidable. The nature of the Pahlavi family and the mental characterisitics of the Shah presented favorable grounds for creating friction in the Islamic world. Oil, too, had essential role in the adventure. In case of war between Muslim states and Israel, the ensuing energy shortage would be an impending menace and cause anxiety for the west. Development of oil exploration and exploitation in Iran and the stability of the Shah's regime were sure to reduce the crisis in these conditions.
The social texture and the traditionally agricultural economy of Iran was deemed a major obstacle to American reform in Iran. Under conditions prevalent at that time, Iran was not prepared to absurb oil revenues, which was mainly for the purpose of procuring American military equipment, and for the consumption of American goods.
Bills, plans and projects for changing the conditions of Iran trickled down to the Senate and the consultative Assembly. Per later frank confessions of the regime's magnates, and as revealed in documents of American spy den in Iran, the contents of many of such bills were prepared in the U.S.A. or in its embassy in Iran.
The land reformation (17) plan was an experimental step to prepare grounds for approval of the principles of the so called white Revolution. It was a calculated step. Land Reformation was presented with great propaganda and mottoes like "Combatting the khans, feudal lords, division of lands among the farmers and increased productivity.
Oppositions to the aims behind the curtain of land reformation were regarded as supporting large land owners and were Suppressed. America's new moves and those of the Shah in 1340 coincided with two unhappy events. On the tenth of Farvardin, 1340 the Grand Ayatullah Borujerdi passed away. His valuable services as well as his scientific personality once more, posed the Marjaiyyat or Reference Authoritativeness as the most important religious recourse in the social life of the people.
This station, in itself, had been a great obstacle to the objectives of the Shah's regime. His loss was regarded irreparable. In Esfand of this year, the fighter clergy Ayatullah Kashani, whose name once made the Shah tremble with fear, passed away. After the ascension of Ayatullah Borujerdi, Imam Khomeini, as on previous occasions and notwithstanding the appeals by the people and the theologic Assemblies, did not take the least step for his own station as Reference Authority and even resisted the proposals and actions of his own friends, where as, his decrees concerning the entire chapters of the book Orvatul Vosqa were completed five years before the ascension of said Ayatullah Borujerdi. During these years the Imam's marginal observations about the book Vasila-Al-Nejat was written as a practical treatise. Imam Khomeini's ascetic outlook toward the world, and the worthlessness of the world's "credential" stations can be understood from the profound ethical and mystic arguments embodied in his works like "The Forty Narratives", "Ser-Al-Salat" and "the Rites of prayers" which were all written long before this date. After the death of Ayatullah Borujerdi and the dissolution of the station of Grand Reference Authoritativeness (Marjaiat Ozma), the Shah's regime proceeded with greater haste to implement the reforms devised by Americans and to transfer the issue of authoritativeness to a point abroad.
But, the Regime had erred in its calculations. The Bill concerning town and province councils by which the candidates and voters election conditions of: "being muslim, swearing by the Quran and being male" were to be deleted, was approved by the cabinet of Amir Asadulla Alam (16th Mehr, 1341 = Oct. 8, 1962). The freedom of women to be elected was a cover to conceal other aims. Deletion and alteration of the first two conditions was aimed at legalization of the presence of Bahai elements in key government positions. As already said one of America's conditions for its support of the Shah, was the Shah's support of Israel and, enhancement of relations between Iran and Israel. The infilteration of the followers of the colonialistic faith of Bahaism into the three forces would ensure this condition. Immediately after the broadcast of this news, Imam Khomeini, accompanied by the grand Ulema of Qum and Tehran exchanged views and began to protest the approval of the bill.
The Imam's role in defining the real purposes of the Shah's regime and pointing out the grave mission of the Ulema and theologic Assemblies were highly effective in these conditions. The telegrams and open letters of protest, sent to the Shah and the Prime Minister Alam, generated a wave of support in various layers of the population. The tone of Imam Khomeini's cables to the Shah and his P.M. was sharp and warning-like. One of these cables read: "I once more advise you to obey God and follow the Constitution and beware violating the Quran and the decrees of the nation's Ulema, the Muslims' grandees and the Constitutional Law. Don't, deliberately, without reason, endanger the country; otherwise the Muslim Ulema will not desist expressing views about you."
At first the Shah's Regime began its threats and propaganda against the clergy. In a radio broadcast Asadullah Alam declared "The government will not withdraw its program of reformation" Still the uprising increased daily. The Bazaars closed down in Tehran and Qum and some other cities and people gathered together in mosques, in support of Ulema's movement. Some 6 weeks later, the government retreated one step and by written reply from the Shah and Prime Minister attempted to appease the Ulema and justify the matter to them. The Shah's regime, with due awareness of the inflexible personality, of the Imam, deliberately, did not write to him directly. Some of theologic Assembly's Ulema thought the government's position satisfactory and demanded an end to the uprising, but Imam Khomeini declined obstinately. His holiness, the Imam was of the opinion that the government must openly and formally repudiate the Town and Provincial Councils Bill and publicize its news. In a statement issued in reply to a question posed by the Qum business and guilds, the Imam clearly said that by approving this Bill, the government meant intents to let Bahai elements and Israeli spies enter Iranian governmental organizations. He frankly declared: "The Muslim nation will not become quiet until these dangers are obviated. And, if anyone remains silent he shall be responsible before God and will be condemned to destruction in this world" In this statement, Imam Khomeini warned the senate and Home members re passage of this Bill, and wrote: "The Muslim nation and Islamic Ulema are alive and lasting. They shall sever any hand that betrays the essence of Islam and tresspasses on the chastities and virtues of the Muslims."
At last the Shah's regime admitted defeat and on Azar the 7th, 1341 (= Nov. 28, 1962). The ( government annulled the previous approval, and duly informed the Ulema and Reference Authorities of Tehran and Qum. At a meeting with the Ulema of Qum, Imam Khomeini persisted on his positions and did not consider enough the behind-the-closed door cancellation of the Bill, and declared that, the Movement will be continued until news of cancellation are publicized by mass media. The next day news about cancellation of the provincial council's Bill appeared in the state newspapers, and the people celebrated their first victory, after the movement for nationalization of oil industry.
During these days that the nation was happy, Imam Khomeini said: "Superficial defeat is unimportant what is important is spiritual defeat. He who has links with God never experiences defeat. Defeat is for whom this world is the ultimate ideal. God can not be defeated. During the past two months there were nights in which I had 2 hours of sleep.... if again a devil from abroad threatens the country we are what we are and the government is what it is... advice is imperative; from the Shah down to these gentlemen and so forth to the last one in the country; the Ulema must counsel and advise them all."
Thus, the issue of provincial and town councils was a victorious and valuable experience for the Iranian nation especially because, in its course, they came to recognize the specific characteristics of a personality who was a worthy leader for the Islamic community. Notwithstanding the Shah's defeat in the issue of the said councils, American pressure to effect the contemplated reforms continued. In Dey, 1341 (Jan. 1962) the Shah enumerated his six principles of reform and asked for a referendum. At this time the nationalist parties voiced their slogan: "Reform, yes, dictatorship, No" and showed green lights. The communiists, too, by analyzing that the royal reform expedites the process of dialectic change of the feudalistic system into industrial capitalistic systems, in conjunction with Moscow Radio, declared the principles of the white Revolution as progressive. These were the ones who had termed the 15th Khordad Revolution as a reactionary, back ward motion and in favor of the feudals.
Once more Imam Khomeini called for a meeting of the Reference Authorities (Marajae) and the Qum Ulema for consultation and possibly a fresh uprising. An uprising, was not desirable in the mind of those who regarded the Reference Authoritativeness or Marjaiyat only as a thing by which to decide, quietly, about the religious affairs of the people and not as holding responsibility towards the problems and difficulties of the Islamic community. Although behind-the-curtain objectives of the reform and referendum were apparent to the Imam personally, and, confrontation was an unavoidable necessity, however, at the meeting the consensus was to discuss the matter with the Shah and find out his motives. Messages of the two sides were exchanged through carriers in several stages. The Shah, at a meeting with Ayatullah Kamalvand, had threatened that reforms must be effected regardless of cost, even if it necessitates bloodshed and destruction of the mosques.
At the next meeting of the Qum Ulema, his holiness the Imam asked for formal boycotting of the Shah's referendum but the prudes in the meeting regarded confrontation as ineffective. Finally on Imam Khomeini's insistence it was agreed that the Reference Authorities and Ulema frankly announce their opposition to the referendum and boycott all participation in it. His holiness, the Imam issued a pounding declaration on the 2nd of Bahman, 1341 (= Jan 22, 1963). The Bazaar of Tehran closed down and policemen molested any gathering of people. On the eve of the imposed referendum people's opposition to it heightened. To reduce the span of opposition, perforce, the Shah went to Qum on the 4th of Bahman. Imam Khomeini had already opposed the higher clergies meeting the Shah at arrival. He even boycotted the coming out of their residence on the day of Shah's arrival at Qum. The effect of this boycott was so great that not only the clergy and people but even the trustee or custodian of the holy shrine of Hazrat Maasuma which was the highest government position in this city, none went out to meet the Shah on arrival and this cost the custodian his position appointment. At a gathering of the agents who had accompanied him to Qum, the Shah expressed his anger in foulest language against the clergy and the people. Two days later the unlawful referendum was held while no one attended except the agents of the regime. The Regime's mass media, by repeatedly announcing the cables of congratulations from American and European government authorities, tried to conceal the disgrace of non-participation of the people. However, by his regular speeches and statements, Imam Khomeini went on revealing the truth. One of these statements came to be known as the nine-signature manifesto. It was sharp and well-reasoned. It revealed a number of the Shah's actions contrary to the Constitution and acts by his men in the puppet government. The fall of agriculture and dependence of the country as well as promotion of corruption and prostitution were envisaged in this manifesto.
As proposed by Imam Khomeini the Now Ruz 1342 festive affairs were boycotted as a protest to actions of the Regime. In the said manifesto, Imam Khomeini referred to Shah's white Revolution as black revolution. Also his alignment with the objectives of America and Israel were revealed. The Imam had announced in this manifesto: "I see the solution in the stepping down of this government on charges of violating the decrees of Islam and the Constitution and, a government dedicated to Islamic laws and to the people to replace it. 0 God! surely I did convey - (Allahoma Qad Ballaght) - and if I survive I shall, God willing, perform my next duties." Understanding the significance of such statements is possible, only, by those who have witnessed the dreadful prisons and the atmosphere of strangulation of those days in iran when, the tiniest criticism would entail torture, imprisonment and deportation.
The Shah had assured American authorities in Washington of readiness of the Iranian society to perform American reforms and had named the reforms as "white revolution." The opposition of the Ulema to those reforms made him initiate very wide propaganda against the clergy and Imam Khomeini The Shah had decided to suppress the uprising. On 2nd of Farvardin, 1342 (March 22, 1963) coinciding with the martyrdom of Hazrat Imam Jaafar Sadiq (18) (a.s) armed agents of the Regime dressed as civilians, upset a gathering of the student-clergies (Tollab) in the Faiziyya School. Police forces poured in, fully armed, and began to beat and butcher the student-clergies. At the same time the Talebiyya School in Tabriz was raided by government agents. Along with these incidents, Imam Khomeini's house in Qum was daily host to crowds of angry people and revolutionary forces who came to express their sympathy and support for the Ulema, and to observe the marks of the crimes perpetrated by the Regime.
Imam Khomeini, not minding the Shah mentioned him as the real activist of crimes, at gatherings of people in the Mosques. He also named him as a confederate of Israel, and invited people to rise against the Shah. In a speech delivered on Farvardin 12, 1342 (=April 1, 1963) the Imam criticized the silence of the Ulema in Qum, Najaf and in other Muslim regions, for their silence before the recent crimes of the Regime and said: "Today, silence means cooperation with the court of the Tyrant." The Next day (2/13/42) (= April 2, 63) he published his famous statement entitled: "Loving the Shah is Plundering." In this statement which was one of the most abroupt political announcements of the Imam, the Shah's Regime was taken to trial, and in the end it said that dissimulation is forbidden and stating the facts is incumbent (come what may!). It is in this statement that the Imam addressing the Shah and his agents has written: "I have now readied my heart for the bayonets of your agents but I shall not accept your unjustified demands nor bow to your cruelty."
Imam Khomeini had chosen his path with awareness, Behind him was a pack of bitter-sweet political experience and challenge; before him lay horrible events and a hazardous path. But he obeyed neither the past nor the future. He was mindful of his religious (taklif or) duty and his slogan was "Perform your duty; Come what may!"
In Imam Khomeini's logic, the meaning of defeat and victory is something other than what is customarily defined by the professional politicians.
Contrary to many world famous fighters and political figures who enter a challenge, by any motive or reason and then consider their own role, and whose personality takes form in the course of struggle, Imam Khomeini entered the role of leadership of Islamic Revolution in 1342 (1963) while years before, he had completed the various stages of purification of the ego, the greater crusade or (jihad Akbar) acquisition of moral excellences and true knowledge on the highest levels. He regarded that man's inner development or build-up, and interior (jihad) has priority over his exterior challenges. In this connection, he has said: "Learning the various sciences, even the science of monotheism is nothing but a veil and will not lead to truth unless achieved in conjunction with self or ego purification." The Imam's harsh words in the statement dated 13th Farvardin 1342 and in similar annoncements, many of which can be located in his works, were not politics designed to oust the rival from the scene. Rather, those were facts that emerged from the depth of a personality who regarded the world as the Presence of God. He had no personal animosity with the Shah, saddam, Carter, Regan and others whom he had challenged during the period of his struggle. Imam Khomeini had in mind the reform of the human society, release of mankind from domination of agents of Satan, and the return of man to his natural innate identity which is divine. This is the angle from which he viewed the challenge. He believed in these principles himself and acted according to them before he invited others to the same. The secret of Imam Khomeini's success must be located in his long challenge with his ego or (nafs) and his attainment of intuitive gnosis. (maarafate-shohoodi). Understanding the motives and objectives of Imam Khomeini's political challerges is not possible without consideration of stages of the perfection of his spiritual, moral and scientific personality.
The world has had many outstanding revolutionary challengers but what makes Imam Khomeini's feat outstanding and gives distinction to his revolution and links it to the movements of the divine prophets is the fact that the personality who undertook the Islamic Revolution in the twentieth century, according to all those who have been associating with him, did not miss a single "Rakaat" of his overnight prayers (nemaz) and Supplications, let alone, his necessary religious duties. He is the man who cut short his interview with all press agents, who had come from all over the world to participate in his last interview before leaing Nofel Le Chateau (19) in Paris for Iran, because it was time to say a daily prayer.
The secret of the wonderous effect of Imam Khomeini's message and word on the soul of his addressees, which bordered on sacrifice of lives, must be sought in the originality of his thought, the soundness of his opinion and his pure turthfulness and piety.
Announcement and specification of policy lines for each challenges adoption of clear unchangeable positions, and decisiveness in following up the objectives, as admitted by friend and foe, are among the most salient features of Imam Khomeini's movement. The study of the Imam's published statements and his political stands or positions during the entire period of his challenge with the Shah and America and its comparison with positions of other spiritual persons and parties very vividly reveal the difference between Imam Khomeini's attachment and adherence to his objectives and his resolution to continue the Movement, and those of the others. Historic papers and documents testify how in the beginning of the uprising in the years 1340-42, prominent religious and political persons entered in it and, in some cases, held the most stringent positions but retreated on their first encounter with the Shah's Regime; some chose isolation and silence for long periods, lasting until the days that the uprising climaxed in 1357 and the revolution gained its victory. Others, quickly moved away from the leadership level positions, and instead of fighting against colonialistic interfering policies of America and opposing the existence of monarchy system and Shah's Regime that was used as tools for foreign domination, they busied themselves with slogans such as "Free-election" and "Implement the Constitutional monarchy." It is no secret to those aware of the issues of contemporary Iranian history that, in the atmosphere of those days, voicing such slogans could yield nothing but deviation from the course of people's uprising in challenging the real agents. For this reason, the Shah's Savak undertook to support such currents and trends. And, amid all this, only Imam Khomeini and friends who belived in him and his path, never went back, nor gave up their positions during the entire challenge and, inspite of difficulties each of which could be deemed a reason for changing position and resorting to silence, they persisted on those objectives and made sacrifices as they had promised to do, in the beginning. Such steadfastness is not possible except by having faith in principles and truth, far above the socio-political exigencies of the day.
The year 1342 began with a boycott on the Now-ruz ceremonies and got its color from the blood of the oppressed innocent men in the Faiziyya School. The Shah insisted on carrying out American reforms and Imam Khomeini insisted on enlightenment of the people and making them rise against American interference and the treachery of the Shah. On the 14th of Farvardin 1342, Grand Reference Authority Ayatullah Hakim, in cables from Najaf, addressed to the Ulema and Reference Authorities, asked them all to pack up and make collective migration to Najaf. This proposal was made to protect the lives of the Ulema and to secure the theologic Assemblies. Shah's Regime by taking certain actions, showed, its anger at the support of Ulema of Najaf and Karbala and of Ayatullah Hakim for the uprising of the Ulema of Iran. The Shah's Regime, in order to create fear and prevent an answer to Ayatullah Hakim's telegrams by the Ulema, dispatched troops to Qum and, simultaneously sent a mission to the homes of the reference authorities to announce the Shah's meesage of threat. Imam Khomeini declined to receive this body. A short time later, Imam Khomeini, in his speech dated (12th Ordibehesht) pointed to this matter, and by referring to the Shah, as "mardak" or little guy, said: "The little man sends his chief of police, the chief of this wretched government, to the homes of the gentlemen-I did not let them in, I wish 1 had, so, I could give them mouthfulls of teeth then and there-they send agents to the homes of the gentlemen to advise them that His Majesty has said if you say a word about such and such matter, your houses will be blown down on your heads, we kill yourselves and attack your virtues."
His holiness the Imam, ignoring these threats replied Ayatullah Hakim's cable emphasizing that collective migration of the Ulema leaving the theologic Assembly empty and unattended, is not advisable. In his reply cable Imam Khomeini had said: "we shall God willing, perform our divine duty and attain to one of the two good things, either we sever the hands that betray Islam and Quran, or, we shall join up with the Creator "verily Isee death as nothing but bliss, and life with the oppressors as nothing but annihilation." (20)
In a message dated 12/2/1342 (April 22, 1963) on the occasion of the 40th day observance of the Faiziyya school calamity, Imam Khomeini emphasized that the Ulema and Iranian nation should cooperate with the heads of Muslim and Arab states to confront and oppose and condemn the pacts between the Shah and Israel. Thus, from the start of his uprising he demonstrated that the Islamic Movement in Iran is not detached from the interests of Islamic (ummat) community. Rather, his uprising is a reformatory movement in the entire Islamic world and is not confined to the geographic boundaries of Iran. In a letter to the Ulema, his holiness, the Imam wrote: "The danger of israel for Islam and Iran is very near. Treaties with Israel against Muslim governments are either concluded or will soon be completed....with silence and withdrawal, we shall lose everything. We are obliged to Islam and to the prophet. Now that the efforts of the master, (the prophet), face decline; the Muslim Ulema and those attached to the holy Religion must meet their obligation. I have decided not to rest until I make this corrupt system take its place..."