In the first volume of this anthology, we followed the events of the Islamic movement in Iran - a movement which has Its roots in the reformatory uprisings of the Prophets and the friends (awliya) of God - from the Khurdad 1 5 uprising in 1963, and even events before that, to October 9, 1978 through the speeches that Imam Khomeini delivered on various occasions. Now, at the beginning of the second volume, we continue to follow the progress of the Islamic movement on the same basis and by referring to historical eyewitness accounts, documents and the speeches of a great man who led the movement through the events of the bloody history of the Islamic Revolution.

The historic migration of Imam Khomeini (pbuh) from Iraq to Paris opened up a new chapter in the Islamic Revolution and in the movement of which he was leader. The aeroplane carrying the Leader of the Revolution touched down at Paris airport two hours behind schedule at 6 pm (Tehran local time) on Friday, October 6, 1978. News of Imam’s arrival In Paris^{( 1)} gave rise to a state of euphoria in Iran. Hearing of Imam’s deparwre from Iraq (October 5, 1978) put an end to the anxiety and worry felt by millions of Iranian men and women and by Imam’s devoted following abroad, and allayed the doubts and fears felt by these people with regard to their leader’s fate.

On the afternoon of Saturday, October 7, 1978 (Mehr 1 5, 1 357 AHS), the day after his arrival in Paris, Imam gave a detailed account of his encounters with the Iraqi and Kuwaiti authorities and of his subsequent journey to Paris. Whilst giving this account he said: “The Iraqi authorities warned me that due to certain ties which they held with the Iranian regime they could not tolerate the activities in which I engaged. I responded by saying: If you are answerable to the Iranian government, I too am answerable to Islam and the nation of Iran and I am obliged to fulfill my divine and spiritual duty.” In another part of this account he added: “Had I remained (in Iraq) I would have felt guilty before the Iranian nation; but I am not one to remain Impassive.

In his speech given on October 11, 1978, Imam Khomeini refers to his migration from Iraq to Paris. Because Imam’s historic migration involves many points of particular historical import, we shall quote the words of his venerable son the late Hujjat al-Islam wal Muslimin Hail Sayyid Ahmad Khomeini, as appear in an account carried by the Julia at newspaper on January 30, 1982:I was asked to write something about Imam’s migration (to Paris) and since certain things had been said or written in the past, which did not concur with the truth, I considered it necessary to briefly say a few words about the affair to the best of my knowledge. The reason for Imam’s migration to Paris goes back to certain events, which occurred some months before his having made this decision (to migrate). The popular struggle in Iran having reached a climax, both governments of Iran and Iraq held several meetings in Baghdad following which the conclusion was reached that Imam’s activities now posed a danger not only to Iran but to Iraq also. The interest shown by the Iraqi people in Imam, and the sensibilities of the Iranian pilgrims in Iraq were something, which the government in Baghdad could not easily overlook. Because of this, they (Iraq) requested that our dear brother Mr. Du’ a’ I make the views of the Revolutionary Council of Iraq quite clear to Imam. A summary of these views as related to Imam by Mr. Du ‘a’ i is as follows:

1. Your excellency (Imam) may continue to live a normal life in Iraq as you have done in the past, but you must refrain from those political activities, which cause the relationship between us and Iran tobecome strained.

2. Should you continue your political activities then you must leave Iraq.

“Imam’s decision was understood. He faced me and said: ‘Bring both mine and your own passports;’ and this I did. Mr. Du ‘a’ i left for Baghdad with our passports but we were not told what had subsequently

Happened to them there. Some time later, Sa’ adun Shakir, the head of the Iraqi security organisation, came to see Imam and spoke to him about issues concerning Iran-Iraq relations, the current state of affairs in Iraq and the region, and other such matters, but at the end of the day he did nothing more than to pass on the Iraqi government’s previous message. Many comments were made by Imam which unfortunately were never recorded, such as: ‘Wherever I go and lay down my carpet (he points to a pileless Afshar carpet) is my home;’ or ‘I am not one of those akhunds who would desist from carrying out his duty simply In order to continue his pilgrimage;’ and other such remarks.“A period passed without event. The sentiments demonstrated by both the Iraqi and Iranian people whenever Imam would go to the shrine of the Lord of the Faithful (Imam ‘Ali (pbuh)) were truly something to behold. However,

Imam was then placed under house arrest and no one was allowed to enter his home. Mr. Du’ a’ I was summoned to Baghdad to be told of the final decision

Reached by the Iraqi authorities, that being to deport Imam; and on his return to Najaf he had our passports with him. Imam gave permission for our close friends in Najaf tobe told of his decision to go toKuwait - that is to seven or eight of our most intimate companions; and immediately afterwards two letters of invitation were prepared by a friend in Kuwait for both Imam and myself (our surname and that used in the letters of invitation is Mustafavi, which is why it escaped the attention of the Kuwaiti government). Three cars were arranged for our use and after the morning prayer of the following day we set off - Imam and me in one car, and our close friends in the other two cars.

“The situation in our house on the eve of our proposed departure was something to be seen: no one was their usual self, neither my mother, my sister, Husayn (my brother’s son), my wife nor my sister-in-law. My undivided attention was focused upon Imam. As on previous nights, he slept at the usual hour arising to perform the midnight prayer as always an hour and a half before sunrise. I distinctly remember him gathering the family together and saying many things to us such as: ‘do not be at all upset, for nothing is going to happen. Surely there is no way one can remain here and keep one’s silence. If we were doing this, how would we answer God? One’s religious duty is of paramount importance; one cannot shirk the responsibility that this duty carries with it’ and again: ‘Even if they were to say that I could continue to live here should I remain silent for a day, if I considered that one day’s silence detrimental then there is no way that I would comply to their request, let alone the request that they have in fact already made asking for absolute silence.’“As we were about to get into the car, my attention was drawn to a non-clerical figure standing in the darkness, which on closer inspection I recognised as Dr. Yazdi. Dr. Yazdi had come to receive a message from imam, which he could pass on, to the Islamic societies in Iran, Canada and America, when he unexpectedly witnessed what was going on. Until that moment, he had known nothing at all about Imam’s migration; but now he too got into one of the two cars in which our friends were seated. I noticed that the car of an Iraqi official was escorting us. The arrangement was that Mr. Rizvani (later tobecome a member of the Guardians Council) was to carry out his daily routine during the first day of Imam’s absence as if nothing had happened. On the day in question, everyone attended the congregational prayer gathering as usual except for Imam who was no longer in Najaf. We ate breakfast, which consisted of bread, cheese and tea, in a cafe. We performed the midday prayer, led by Imam, somewhere along the Iraqi border, after which the necessary borderline procedure was quickly undertaken. The Iraqi officials bid us farewell and went away, whilst our friends proceeded towards Najaf, except for the late lmlayi (may God rest his soul), Mr. Ferdowsi, the Member of Parliament for Tabas, and Mr. Yazdi, who along with Imam and me headed for the Kuwalti frontier. Kuwaiti frontier officials concluded their business with Messrs Yazdi, Ferdowsi and lmlayi, leaving Imam and myself still to be dealt with. They told us to wait, and it became apparent that Kuwait had been informed of our plans to enter their country. Someone from Central Office came and spoke to us for one hour saying, briefly, no admittance! “We returned to Iraq. The Iraqis were waiting to greet us. They detained us from 2 pm until 11 pm. The late Imlayi, as astute as ever, set off for Basra, informed those in Najaf all about what had happened, and returned to us with some bread, cheese, cutlets and other such provisions. Imam was suffering from extreme fatigue and this worried me greatly. He could tell by my facial expression that one was annoyed at his being kept waiting for such a long period, and he said: ‘Does this kind of thing upset you?’ I said: ‘I am extremely upset for your sake.’ He said: ‘we too must go through a bad time at the national frontiers as do others in order to appreciate just one of the thousands of discomforts that are brought. Upon our brothers; be strong!’ I said: ‘Very well.’

“Whilst we were all gathered around Imam, who was lying down and resting in a squalid room, I turned to the Qur’an for a portent of things to come, and it read: “Go to Pharaoh, surely he has exceeded all limits. He said: (Sura 20, verses 24-2 5). Believe me when I say that I then found renewed strength; it was truly amazing. They detained us unnecessarily for more than nine hours, even though we had already told them that we simply wanted to return to Baghdad. Imam became angered and threatened them. Whenever I asked them why we were being detained they said that they had to wait for news from Baghdad; but following Imam’s angry outhurst, they immediately contacted Baghdad and reported the encounter they had with Imam. Imam told them: ‘I shall let the outside world know about whatever happens to me whilst I am here;’ and they too then reported this to those in Baghdad. It wasn’t long before they came to us full of apologies, explaining that the delay had been due to their inability tocontact Central Office, and that the Iraqi authorities were not at all pleased about our having been detained.

“They then put us in a car; but Dr. Yazdi, who was kept behind, said to me: ‘Do not worry, they can’t keep me here.’ Hence, the four of us then left for Basra, spending the night in a relatively good, clean hotel - Imam and I in one room and Messrs Ferdowsi and Imlayi in another room. In spite of the terrible fatigue suffered by Imam, he arose to perform the midnight prayer after having rested for only three hours.

“After having performed the Morning Prayer with Imam, I asked him of his intentions, and he replied: ‘Syria.’ I asked: ‘What if they do not let us in? What if they treat us like we were treated in Kuwait, then where do we go?’ We examined each of the neighbouring countries in turn - Kuwait hadn’t allowed us to enter; Sharjah, Dubai and other such UAE states would follow suit and refuse us entry; as for the Arabian states, they had consistently cursed us In the past; Afghanistan and Pakistan were out of the question; that left syria. Imam had obviously made the right decision. But it was a case of looking before we leaped, for firstly, we would have to enter a country which did not require a visa from where we could make contact with the Syrian Authorities to enquire whether they would be prepared to admit us into their Country with no holds barred, Thatus, with no restrictions whatsoever being placed upon Imam’s activities. This question needed to be raised because if there were to be restrictions placed upon Imam then we would be better off staying in Iraq where our home was. I suggested that we went to France since a short stay there could prove fruitful, it being easier for Imam to get his message across to the world: Imam accepted my proposal and we went to sleep.

“At 8 am, I said to the Iraqi officers: ‘We want to go to Baghdad,’ to which they replied: ‘You can go to Najaf.’ Then I said: ‘No, we shall not go to Najaf.’ An hour later, the officers came to say that those at headquarters wanted to know of our decision. I said: ‘Paris.’ They left in astonishment! Some time between 10.30 is and 11 am Mr. Yazdi came. We were pleased to see him. The Iraqis wanted to send us to Baghdad by car, but Imam was not feeling too good, therefore they reluctantly allowed us to go by air. As soon as we had disembarked, I contacted Paris to inform them that we were about to go there. Mr. Habibi asked me what he should do and I told him: ‘You are to stay by the telephone until we have actually entered Paris.’

“We spent the night in Baghdad and were once more with our friends for a time. That same night Imam went to Kazimayn, where the emotions expressed by the people were staggering. The following morning we went to the airport. There was a hold-up; a two-hour delay ensued. The aeroplane was a jumbo jet. The five of us were on the upper floor along with three other people who were unknown to us. A strange feeling had come over the friends who accompanied us; they did not know what was to become of Imam. Iraqi officials asked to see Mr. Du’ a’ i, and when the latter later returned he was filled with indignation. Too embarrassed to tell Imam what the officials had said, he told me: they had said Imam was never to return to Iraq! (What audacity! What an effrontery!). I gave a wry smile.

“We were on the second floor of the aircraft. Although we never actually have to see the lower floor, there were other passengers there who were also travelling abroad. Two or three hours into the flight, we realised that we were in fact prisoners inside the aeroplane, since when one of us decided to go to the bathroom (situated on that same floor), one of the three aforementioned “co-passengers” stood up and followed him. In order to be certain that we were not mistaken, the late lmlayi got up to take a walk around the lower floor; but they prevented him from doing so. Once lmlayi had returned to his seat, a discussion broke out between the four of us during which many questions were raised such as: Do they want to get rid of us? Do they want to kidnap us? Are they thinking of imprisoning us in some country or other? Imam was looking down; it was as If he were not in fact undertaking such a journey. After talking endlessly, we reached the conclusion that Messrs Yazdi and Imlayi were to disembark at Geneva, whilst Mr. Ferdowsi and I remained at Imam’s side. Should they be refused permission to disembark, and then we were to create an uproar whereby those on the lower floor would become aware of the situation. Dr. Yazdi told one of the three “co­passengers” that we wanted to disembark at Geneva because we had business to attend to there. Moments later it was announced over the loudspeaker that no passengers other than those destined for Geneva were to leave the aircraft once it had landed.

“We began to imagine all kinds of things. Imam continued to hold his head down. We put our plan into action; lmlayi seized one of those who had wanted to prevent him from disembarking from behind, and Yazdi leaped to the stairway. Nothing was said, two of the “co-passengers” simply laying their weapons (which until that moment had remained unseen) on a shelf and going after Yazdi in hot pursuit. Mr. Habibi was at home in Paris, waiting by the telephone as planned. He was told to rally all of his friends together in Paris Airport and to wait and see whether we were among those passengers who had disembarked - if not, then they were to do whatever they could to prevent the aeroplane from taking off (we thought it probable that they would fly us to some other country once the rest of the passengers had disembarked). In the meantime, Imam led us in the midday and afternoon prayers. Minutes after having performed our prayers we were pleased to see that Messrs Yazdi and lmlayi had returned; and only then did we tell Imam of what had happened and of the things we imagined might have happened. Imam said: ‘You must be mad!’“We arrived in Paris. In order for our turbans not to attract attention Imam walked alone, I was a short distance behind him and the other two honourable gentlemen followed behind us both. That night representatives of the French government came to tell me that ‘we are now confronted with this situation, and like it or not the Ayatullah is here. Had we known about this then we would not have allowed It.’ they requested to see Imam and Imam granted their request. They came and told Imam that he was not to engage in any political activities whatsoever, to which Imam replied: ‘we thought that here would not be like it is in Iraq. Wherever I go I shall say what I intend to say; I shall travel from airport to airport and from city to city In order to be able to tell the world that all of the oppressive governments have joined hands toprevent the oppressed from hearing our message. But in spite of their efforts I shall make the voice of the courageous Iranian people heard throughout the globe - I shall tell the world of what is happening in Iran.’

“Although Imam had said: ‘As soon as some Muslim country issues me with an Invitation, I shall go there,’ not even one country, Muslim or non-Muslim, requested that Imam go there, be it even for one day. “Whilst in France Imam worked around the clock. Not a day passed in which he did not have either a speech to make, an interview to give or a declaration to issue. This old Father of the Revolution with all of his being was utterly engrossed in his efforts to overthrow the Iranian monarchy and to put an end to the American presence in Iran.

“News reporters would sometimes say that they had never witnessed anything like this before, where a clergyman speaks from within a room two by three, having no table and chair, and observing none of the conventional formalities and practices, and where, as a result, the Iranian nation speaks out and takes action. Political activists of Iran then began to pay visits to Imam. They came from all over; from Iran, Europe, Asia and America to suggest that Imam settle for the Shah’s overthrow and not demand anything more, since it was impossible to defeat America and the Iranian army. However, Imam would tell them: ‘Leave the people to do as they will; they want an Islamic Republic. If you Intend to discuss these issues you have raised here publicly then I shall introduce you (as a traitor) to the people;’ and again he would repeatedly say: ‘The army is made up from our very own people; and as for America, she has no part to play in this. The Shah is on his way out. The roots of imperial rule must be severed and the people liberated.’ “The people of Iran were well aware of the situation; as a good friend of ours put it: ‘Imam and the people have come to know and understand each other, and whatever others may say is of no consequence,’ hence, this being the case, people drew their slogans from the statements which Imam made. Here, I must point out that Imam was a swift writer. For example, he would complete a large page of handwriting within fifteen minutes; a truly difficult feat especially considering that as the Imam, Importance was ascribed to his every word, and yet notwithstanding he wrote in the unique of styles. Furthermore, imam wrote all of his own statements and declarations personally. This is in spite of the fact that it is customary, when one wants to take a stance on some issue or other, for one’s aides and advisers to prepare certain material which is then read to the President or some other personage, who then expresses his opinion and signs the document once all the necessary alterations have been made. There is not a single statement issued by Imam of which he was not the sole author. We would simply pass on information to Imam and the rest was left to him, and that remains to be the case. The ridiculous thing Is that in spite of all that has just been said, some had the audacity to claim that we were the ones who wrote material for Imam. Let me hereby state categorically that:

1 - Imam’s decision to migrate was purely his own and no one had the slightest part to play in his going to Paris. I merely mentioned Paris on that night as a suggestion, and Imam accepted it favorably.

2 - All of the statements and declarations issued by Imam were written by him; he conducted and controlled his own affairs. If this was not the case then let them prove otherwise. Anyone who claims that he either brought or took Imam to Paris, or that he wrote even one word on Imam’s behalf is a downright liar; and unless he is able to provide evidence to substantiate his claim then it is groundless. The reason for my underlining these two points although they overstep the bounds of this composition, which is an account of the migration of the nation’s leader, is because if I were not to do this then the future course of our history, of our revolution, and consequently of our Islamic republic would become deviated from the path it is meant to follow; and it would not be long before the true, popular and religious movement set in motion by Imam would be converted into a political movement emanating from the West or the East or from this or that group - just as we have already seen how some have said (and with what recklessness and dishonesty) that:We were the ones who were at Imam’s side whenever he travelled or made any moves.

“My dear brothers and sisters let it be made clear that:

No one knew of Imam’s intention to migrate except for myself and a few clerical friends from Najaf.

2. - Imam himself made the decision to migrate to France. It was a move, which had nothing to do with any other person or any of the political groups, is they in Iran or among the Iranians abroad. Do not let it be said in the future that: ‘We came to take Imam to Paris,’ or that: ‘We were told by those in Iran to cell Imam that he could conduct his struggle more easily in France,’ or any other such absurdities, for if these false claims are not dealt with and clarified whilst Imam is still amongst us then in the future they could give rise to political deviations within the revolution and Its movement. “After staying In Paris for two days, we went to Neauphle-le-Chateau, a village lying 42 kilometres outside Paris, where the home of Mr. ‘Asgari, a person who showed us much kindness, was situated. A house in Paris was found from where anyone wishing to go to Neauphle-le-Chateau to see Imam could either seek directions or catch the minibus which passed by once or twice daily. At first Imam would speak publicly every night; then it became two nights a week; then Thursday nights; and later on Sundays at noon - the reason being that the students who came from all over Europe, could only manage to see Imam on a Sunday. Initially audiences were very thin, but towards the end of Imam’s stay, the place used to become really crowded, so much so that on one occasion the crowd actually staged a sizeable demonstration which was led by Mr. Hadi Ghaffari. It was also interesting to see what happened at lunch- and dinner-time: Mr. Hajj Aqa Mahdi Araqi, may he rest in peace, was in charge of the kitchen. Each day lunch consisted of either one egg or half of a tomato or sometimes broth. .“

Twenty-eight days have now passed since the massacre in Jaleh Square (Shuhada) by the regime. The newspapers on October 7, 1978 (Mehr 1 5, 1357 AHS) devote their headlines to Imam Khomeini’s arrival in Paris.⁽¹⁾Sharif Imami preside as Prime Minister, and martial law is being enforced in Tehran and eleven other major cities. General Ovelssi, known as “the Tehran butcher” following the events of September 8, is the military governor of Tehran. The Shah and his wife have gone to the Senate to open the new session of Parliament. General Nassiri, who had been appointed to the Iranian Embassy in Pakistan after a period as the head of SAVAK has been discharged from office. Strikes have spread to many government offices and organisations, railway and national airline employees also joining forces with the strikers. Throughout the provinces, demonstrations, rallies and scenes of violent clashes between the people and government troops are in full evidence; several students having been killed and 47 people Injured during the demonstration held in Khurramabad.

Reside as long as I can continue with my mission, I decided to go to Kuwait from where I could later travel to one of the Islamic countries. Even though we had visas, the Kuwaiti government prevented us from crossing its national frontier and entering the country. They did not even allow us to use their airport from where we could fly elsewhere. We returned to Iraq again. It became clear that those in Iraq also knew what was going on for they were expecting us on our return. The same group of people who had escorted us from Iraq was again standing there waiting for us! Thus, having returned to Iraq they at first took several hours and then, us to Basra later, to Baghdad. Whilst in Baghdad we made the decision to come here where we could choose some place or other from where to continue our activities. Hence, for the time being we have come to France.^{( 2)}

I consider myself duty-bound. That is, I believe I have a religious and moral duty towards the nation of Iran at a time when the Iranian people have risen up and are sacrificing lives; when their youngsters have been arrested - some having been killed by the regime and others having been incarcerated; when some of our ‘ulama are in prison and a large number of them are in exile; and when all of the people, small children and old men alike, are standing up to the Shah’s regime crying out in unison: “We Do not want the Shah.” At such a time, we all become answerable to this nation.

In addition, this nation, or indeed any other nation, has the right to determine its own destiny. This is a human right: a right, which is stipulated in the Declaration of Human Rights. Any person, any nation, must determine his or its own destiny; it must not be determined by others. Therefore, too our nation has now risen up to demand that it determine its own destiny.

This is why we who are abroad have a duty to cry out in unison with these people - people who are sacrificing lives to this end and who have risen up against this man^{( 3)} who has betrayed us and our religion of Islam; this man who is giving our national resources away to foreigners and who, in return, procures arms with which to kill the people, or who receives a sum of money which in part he spends on the procurement of arms and the suchlike whilst the remainder is used up by himself and his friends. Have no doubt that right now, even as we sit here, Iran is in an (Mehr 10, 1357 AHS), an Iranian delegation of top security officials arrived in Baghdad and met with Sa’ dun Shakir. After talks, it was decided that to continue taking restrictive measures was to no avail, but that at the same time neither would it be in the interests of Iran or Iraq to allow Imam complete freedom. Hence, they planned to indirectly force Imam to leave Iraq by bringing pressure to bear on his close relatives and friends. Evetitually Imam left Iraq with the intention of heading for Syria via Kuwait. The Kuwaiti authorities did not pen nit Imam to enter their country however, leaving Imam no choice but to return to Iraq. Since Imam knew that none of the Islamic countries would permit him to engage in political activities, both because of the influence wielded by America within the Islamic states, and the latter s friendly relations with the Shah, he eventually went to Paris. For details of this historic migration and of events, which occurred in Paris, refer to the Introduction to the present speech (31) and to those speeches delivered by Imam in Paris.

Explosive state. Right now people are being killed, as they were a few days ago in many different Iranian cities when the resultant death toll was extremely high! Even as we sit here, I wonder whether such outbursts are occurring in Iran, and I feel sure that they are. However, as to whether people are now being killed or not we do not yet know. In addition, why do not we know? Because we are too far away. Such incidents occur on a daily basis. However, whilst they, the people of Iran, are at the battlefield engaged in battle, are we here to remain unconcerned and to carry on living our normal everyday lives? To do this would be totally unfair and inhuman, and it would be against the canons of Islam.

Everyone is obliged to do their utmost to help these people in whatever way they can. Right now, I am able to speak to you and to urge you to offer your support irrespective of which front you may belong to abroad. I can appeal to you to join hands with your own people who have risen up in the interests of us all, including yourselves. I shall speak as much as I can regardless of the size of the audience present; and I shall write material and have it circulated, again, as much as I am able. You too must play your part and do whatever is within your power -demonstrating whenever it is called for and opportune; writing; speaking; talking to press reporters; doing anything that is within your power. Everyone must contribute as much as he can and help this oppressed nation, which is now being trodden underfoot by these merciless beings.

I believe history has never before witnessed an uprising like the one currently in Iran where there is such unity of purpose. Now everyone, including those children who are not yet themselves aware of what they are saying, cries out: “We Do not want the Shah!” Alternatively, maybe these children do so in imitation of what everyone else is saying. A five- or six-year-old child - just imagine! Even those who have just learned how to speak now cry: “Death to the Shah” in imitating what everyone else is crying. Everybody is saying the same thing. Everybody is making the same argument. There has probably never been another time in history when everybody has united to make the same cry - when the claims raised in the farthest reaches of Iran, in the most distant Iranian cities, have been the same as those raised in the country’s capital. However, this is exactly the case now; and it is when a nation reaches a stage that it is sure to succeed. There is no way that this nation can now be defeated when it is standing up to oppression, confronting the tyrants and those with tanks and cannons with its bare hands and refusing to give in Various propaganda campaigns have now got under way. In fact, these campaigns were already under way before but they have now been stepped up in an effort to break this unity between the people, to disband the various fronts, and to make certain people knuckle under. It has even been said that they intend to arrange for a group of SAVAK agents disguised as students to shout communist slogans in the university, when the university opens that is, in order give the impression that if the Shah were to go then communist rule would take his place! However, this Shah is even worse than the communists. Anybody would be better than this person, this Shah! What has this operate ever done for our country? Has he done anything other than churn out false propaganda? What vast sums of money go towards propaganda, both at home and abroad, so that the foreign and national press will write lies for him. These are the kinds of things he gets up to, as well as being engaged in the accumulation of wealth and the acquisition of land and luxury for him throughout the world. This is all he does! Other than this what else does he do? He is either busy killing and beating the people or busy using them for his own gain! He is taking advantage and is squandering this nation’s wealth.

We have one thing to say and that is that those who are seated at the head of this table of spoils called Iran, along with the people and countries who have come from all over to join them, are feeding from this table of spoils whilst this nation of ours goes hungry. We argue that this must not be so. We say that this country of ours, which is rich in oil and other resources, must be left to us. We will run it ourselves. In addition, should we want to enlist the help of experts, we will do the enlisting. Why should you do the enlisting, paying God knows how many hundreds of thousands of tumans per month to those enlisted? We shall recruit experts without the need to resort to such measures. We shall recruit a different kind of expert, ones that we have trained ourselves.

From the time when Amir Kahn founded Iran’s first university some seventy years ago^{( 4)} right up to the present, they prevented our youth from receiving adequate education and training, and from being able to perform a job of work competently. They impeded the progress of our youth. They ensured that no one could receive adequate education in our universities. They prevented those in the armed forces from receiving proper military training. American supervisors mislead these service members, that is, they instruct them in a way beneficial to themselves! Our culture has become that of the imperialists. We must have our own indigenous culture. These foreign cultures are ones, which prevent our children from being properly educated. Now, even when he (the Shah) needs a tonsillectomy, he has someone brought in from Europe to perform the operation! ^{( 5)} You are the one who talks of how you took the country to a great civilisation and yet even your tonsillectomy is performed by someone from abroad. So evidently, you cannot do anything for yourselves! They want to lay a railway track from a to b, so they bring someone from abroad to do it! Then they sign a contract with a company like the one, which laid so many metres of track and then made off with the money leaving the job uncompleted! This is the kind of havoc they play with this country. The Soviet Union takes its gas^{( 6)} and America takes its oil!^{( 7)} When we say we want an Islamic government, we want a stop to be put to these libertines. It is not that we want to return to the kind of life lived 1,400 years ago, as the Shah alleges. It is the judicial laws of 1,400 years ago to which we want to return and not the lives of those who lived then. No indeed, we gladly welcome and accept any signs of civilisation; but what they have to offer are not such signs.

Are all of these murders a sign of civilisation? Enforcing martial law and attacking the people tooth and nail, are these signs of civilisation? Is giving away our oil to others in return for arms, which we are incapable of using a sign of civilisation? We do not have the trained personnel who know how to use the arms they bring to Iran! Foreign consultants have to supervise the use of these weapons themselves!^{( 8) They} have formed a military base here - an American military base under the pretext of wanting to do this and that for our country! An American military base, here, in Iran! We argue that we do not want our country to he in the shambles that this man, this servant, has created for the sake of his masters.

You who are young cannot remember, but I (who am older) can recall that from the very beginning, from the very first day of Riza Khan’ s coup d’etat, it was the British who actually conducted the coup! And once Riza Shah had gone, having been taken to some island or other,^{( 9)} I myself heard the British state over Dehli Radio that they had placed Riza Shah on the throne, but that they had later got rid of him because he had betrayed them!^{( 10) Mr}. Muhammad Riza Khan himself also attested to this in something he wrote - it may have been in that book “Serving My Country”^{( 11)} - but realising that this was an improper thing to say, they later had it erased from the text! He had written that: “The Allies, after occupying Iran, thought it fitting that I should remain, and they agreed to my accession to the throne.” Nevertheless, it is you, your eminence, who is the puppet! To say that: “They saw it fitting that I should remain,” is to say: “They placed me on the throne^{( 12)} .” We argue

That we Do not want that person who the Allies have seen fit to bring here, and who is now working for them and doing all he can for them, pouring whatever we have down the drain. We have no independence; we have no freedom of speech; we have no freedom of the pen. We have nothing.

In an agricultural country such as this, which should be exporting its agricultural produce on a grand scale, an official report stated that there were only enough crops in Iran to suffice for something like thirty-three or thirty-four days’ consumption, the remaining food requirements of the country having to be imported from abroad. Everyone can see how heaps of wheat, barley, eggs and so on are now continually brought in from abroad as well as all other kinds of things. They ruined Iran’s agriculture in the name of ‘land reforms;’ that is to say they rendered the poor farmers and peasants helpless whereby they were no longer able to continue working their own fields. These poor farmers thus migrated and came to the outskirts of Tehran where they now live under miserable conditions; in a truly deplorable state. According to an account given to me in Najaf listing the number of people who live under such conditions and their whereabouts, a large number of people are scattered throughout Tehran in something like forty different areas where they live in small hovels and tents. In Tehran, the country’s capital city, things are such that these people are living in hovels and tents! The report stated that in order to obtain a pitcher of water for their children, these people have to ascend a hundred steps or more from the deep hole in the ground in which they live, to reach this water tap which has been put there. In the bitter cold of winter, a woman has to carry her water pitcher all the way up those steps and then carry it back down again to take a jug of water to her children! We say that this distressing situation must be rectified. Meanwhile however, the amount of money that they spend on themselves reaches exorbitant levels. The latest example of such expenditure about which I read concerned a certain villa, which was bought for one of the Shah’s sisters at heaven, knows what price. I cannot now recall exactly how much it cost but I know that it was a great amount of money. Five million dollars! Five million dollars on flower beds and floral displays!’⁽¹³⁾ and so we see the kind of lives they live. They are in fact much better off than this, so much so that it surpasses the imagination. Yet we also see how, even in the city of Tehran, a great number of people are living in a tent or a hovel, without any facilities. They have neither electricity for lighting nor water. As for tarmacked surfaces and the like, these poor people do not know the meaning of such things! When we say we want an Islamic government, we are saying that this situation must be done away with. The Shah says: “They say we must return to the time when donkeys were the means of transport⁽¹⁴⁾ !” However, when we talk of an Islamic government this is not what we mean at all. Who has ever said that you must travel by donkey? What we do say is that this situation must end; and while Muhammad Riza and the Pahlavi dynasty remain in power we do not see how our country can enjoy any kind of freedom or independence.

This man is a puppet who has been put here by the imperialists. He is a man with a ‘mission’ for his country! He himself talks of having a “Mission for my Country”! In addition, he is right in this; but it is a mission, which has been assigned to him by America! He is commissioned by America to accomplish a mission for his country - a mission that requires that he prevent this poor country both from growing spiritually and from benefiting from its own wealth and resources. The wealth of this country is to go to America. When we speak of an Islamic government, we are speaking of a government based on social justice. We maintain that we must have a ruler who will not fraudulently take from the treasury of the Muslims; who will not transgress by dipping into the treasury of the Muslims. This is the one argument by which we firmly stand. It is a reasonable argument, which is acceptable to anyone no matter in which part of the world it may be raised.

Today, the people of our country have risen up in revolt due to this person’s betrayal of us. This person has misappropriated our wealth; he has taken our wealth from this country and bought villas^{( 15)} for himself elsewhere, his family and devoted followers thereby living in grand style whilst we here remain hungry. Now those who are hungry have united to say that they do not want this person to remain; so now what do you (the Shah) have to say for yourself? This is all we are arguing; this is all we have to say and nothing more.

Let me also now add that the press here can write whatever they like. Let them write that Islam is reactionary if they so wish, but let both them and yourself (the Shah) answer me this - let the entire newspapers of the world join together to explain why, when we have oil reserves, copper reserves, and other kinds of reserves, when we have everything we could need, why are they taking it all from us? Why are they plundering our wealth? We, a weak, backward nation do not wish to be plundered! You yourself say we are a backward nation, that may be the case, but we do not want to be backward for God’s sake! You, the one who commits plunder are ahead of the times whilst we, the ones who are being plundered are behind the times! You are plundering the people because you have reached the gateway to civilisation! Perhaps others have not yet reached that stage whereby you can grant them freedom! This good-for-nothing says that these people are not yet ready for freedom! They have not yet reached that stage! Just what is this supposed to mean? How come they have not reached the stage whereby they can be granted freedom’?^{( 16)} Is it because they cry out and question your wrongdoings? Does this mean they have not yet reached the required stage? Must they indeed remain silent in order to reach that stage? Are they to say nothing from now on no matter how much they are beaten and ill-treated, until they have reached that stage which permits them to be granted freedom?

Today, our country is outraged; and this uprising is one in which we all have a duty to play a part. That is to say, anyone who belongs to this country (of Iran) - from myself, a mere talaba (student of religious sciences), to you who are students, or to he who is a merchant or a businessman - each one of us must support his fellow countrymen in order to bring about a success, since reason dictates that one should involve oneself in such an affair. The Iranian people are laying claim to the most basic of human rights. To say: ‘I want to be free, I want freedom of speech, I want to be independent, I want to stand on my own two feet’ is to ask for the most basic of human rights; and this is what we argue. It is an argument, which would be accepted by anyone no matter where it was to be voiced.

We all have a duty to fight for this cause. We are to give help in whatever way possible to those of our brothers who are making sacrifices. We are to send whatever we can to help those who are now at the Battle so to speak. We are to do whatever we can: by way of writing, speaking, making statements, demonstrating, or by any other means. May God, Exalted and Mighty, grant all of you success. I pray that you may be amongst the rightly guided in a struggle; that you may be amongst those who fight against corruption. I pray you to be granted a favourable result in this struggle, whilst also attaining the favour of Almighty God. The objective is for the Muslim nations to be strong, to be powerful and to be prosperous. May God help you to successfully reach this objective.